Krahasimet midis ndryshimeve politike n\u00eb Hungari dhe pritjeve n\u00eb Serbi mund t\u00eb duken t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse, por ato jan\u00eb n\u00eb thelb sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore dhe t\u00eb pasakta. Analogjia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga mjetet m\u00eb efektive n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Ajo thjeshton proceset komplekse, shkurton shpjegimet dhe i jep audienc\u00ebs nj\u00eb ndjesi mir\u00ebkuptimi. Nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e sakt\u00eb – vet\u00ebm e besueshme. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, pas humbjes zgjedhore t\u00eb Viktor Orb\u00e1n, ideja e nj\u00eb “P\u00e9ter Magyar serb” u fut pothuajse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb refleksive n\u00eb aren\u00ebn politike serbe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ky krahasim funksionon si nj\u00eb slogan politik, por jo si nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Serbia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Hungaria dhe ajo q\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb Budapest nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet n\u00eb Beograd thjesht duke thirrur \u201cenergjin\u00eb e ndryshimit\u201d.N\u00eb Hungari, votuesit zgjodh\u00ebn midis dy koncepteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuara qart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit. Gjat\u00eb gjasht\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb viteve, modeli i Orb\u00e1n nd\u00ebrtoi nj\u00eb sistem pushteti t\u00eb centralizuar, klientelizmi dhe p\u00ebrafrimi t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme me Mosk\u00ebn. N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, magjar\u00ebt ofruan nj\u00eb projekt politik q\u00eb ishte i sakt\u00eb dhe i kuptuesh\u00ebm: kthimin e Hungaris\u00eb n\u00eb kuadrin institucional dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb evropiane, rinovimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Brukselin dhe distancimin e vendit nga ndikimi rus. Ky nuk ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ndryshim qeverie; ishte nj\u00eb zgjedhje midis dy orientimeve t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse rezultati ishte i qart\u00eb dhe pse reagimet nga institucionet evropiane ishin t\u00eb paekuivokshme. Nuk u festua vet\u00ebm ndryshimi i qeveris\u00eb, por edhe ndryshimi i drejtimit.N\u00eb Serbi, nj\u00eb vij\u00eb ndar\u00ebse e till\u00eb nuk ekziston.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Peizazhi politik n\u00eb Serbi \u00ebsht\u00eb strukturuar ndryshe. Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 ndjek nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb kontradiktore dhe subjekt i kritikave, por n\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb pragmatike: duke ruajtur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me BE-n\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ruan edhe kanalet me Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn, duke balancuar me kujdes n\u00eb kontekstin e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb. Kjo politik\u00eb balancimi \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr e kritikave – por jo nga i nj\u00ebjti drejtim si kritikat me t\u00eb cilat u p\u00ebrball Orb\u00e1n n\u00eb Hungari.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e opozit\u00ebs serbe nuk e kritikon qeverin\u00eb p\u00ebr munges\u00eb orientimi evropian, por p\u00ebrkundrazi p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn – sepse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm e fort\u00eb n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar. Kritikat nga ky spekt\u00ebr p\u00ebrqendrohen n\u00eb pretendimet se qeveria \u00ebsht\u00eb “shum\u00eb e but\u00eb” ndaj Per\u00ebndimit, “rrezikon interesat komb\u00ebtare”, \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb l\u00ebshime p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Kosov\u00ebs dhe lejon shitjen dhe tranzitin e arm\u00ebve dhe municioneve serbe n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskurs, integrimi evropian nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim, por shpesh nj\u00eb subjekt dyshimi ose refuzimi t\u00eb hapur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo vlen edhe p\u00ebr disa nisma studentore dhe qytetare q\u00eb paraqiten si energji e re politike. Retorika e tyre, megjith\u00ebse formalisht e drejtuar kund\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb, nuk p\u00ebrfshin nj\u00eb program pro-evropian t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar qart\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebrkundrazi, n\u00eb zona t\u00eb caktuara, ajo p\u00ebrvet\u00ebson narrativa q\u00eb p\u00ebrputhen m\u00eb shum\u00eb me nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb ngurt\u00eb komb\u00ebtare sesa me modelin liberal-demokratik q\u00eb formoi baz\u00ebn e fushat\u00ebs hungareze n\u00eb Hungari.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nj\u00eb krahasim i till\u00eb, pra, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i gabuar, por edhe i gabuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Hungari, kishte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb qart\u00eb: t\u00eb shk\u00ebputesh nga kursi pro-rus dhe t\u00eb kthehesh n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn evropiane. N\u00eb Serbi nuk ka nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb till\u00eb. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, hap\u00ebsira politike \u00ebsht\u00eb e mbushur me mesazhe t\u00eb ndryshme, shpesh kontradiktore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dallimi thelb\u00ebsor nuk q\u00ebndron n\u00eb shkall\u00ebn e autoritarizmit apo t\u00eb peizazhit mediatik; por n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjen e politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Magjari fitoi sepse u ofroi votuesve drejtim, jo \u200b\u200bvet\u00ebm nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dallim q\u00eb skena politike serbe vazhdimisht e anashkalon. Pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e diskursit opozitar n\u00eb Serbi p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb mohimin e qeveris\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e kuptueshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamjaftueshme. Mohimi nuk krijon nj\u00eb projekt politik; ai vet\u00ebm sa e vonon at\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Pa nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e orientimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, \u00e7do diskutim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cMagjare Serbe\u201d mbetet nj\u00eb koncept bosh.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb kuptohet thelbi i fitores s\u00eb Hungarez\u00ebve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nuk ishte nj\u00eb fitore e \u201clodhjes qeveritare\u201d. Fitore t\u00eb tilla n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rajon jan\u00eb jet\u00ebshkurtra dhe nuk e ndryshojn\u00eb struktur\u00ebn e sistemit. Magjari fitoi sepse artikuloi nj\u00eb projekt ideologjikisht koherent me korniza institucionale dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, votuesit nuk votuan thjesht kund\u00ebr Orb\u00e1n-it; ata votuan p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka konkrete.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Serbi, opozita nuk ofron at\u00eb nivel t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimit politik.Ironia \u00ebsht\u00eb se analogjia p\u00ebrdoret pik\u00ebrisht aty ku ka themelin m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt. Ata n\u00eb Serbi q\u00eb e shohin veten si nj\u00eb \u201cmagjar i ri\u201d shpesh e anashkalojn\u00eb aspektin m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tij \u2013 nj\u00eb angazhim t\u00eb qart\u00eb ndaj kuadrit institucional evropian. Pa k\u00ebt\u00eb element, krahasimi humbet kuptimin e tij.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ndryshimi politik \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje substance, jo imitimi. P\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimi i retorik\u00ebs s\u00eb ndryshimit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i mjaftuesh\u00ebm; drejtimi i tij duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktohet qart\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nj\u00eb ndryshim tjet\u00ebr q\u00ebndron n\u00eb kontekstin institucional.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Hungaria ka qen\u00eb an\u00ebtare e Bashkimit Evropian p\u00ebr dy dekada. Pavar\u00ebsisht erozionit t\u00eb institucioneve gjat\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb Orb\u00e1n-it, sistemi politik ka ruajtur nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb caktuar funksionaliteti dhe elektorati ka p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb me korniz\u00ebn institucionale evropiane si nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb \u200b\u200be v\u00ebrtet\u00eb politike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Serbia nuk e ka k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn mas\u00eb. Tranzicioni i saj politik nuk u p\u00ebrfundua kurr\u00eb si\u00e7 ndodhi n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Qendrore. Dob\u00ebsia institucionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i nj\u00eb cikli t\u00eb vet\u00ebm politik, por i vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb afatgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis t\u00eb till\u00eb, ndryshimi politik k\u00ebrkon m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa simbolik\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ekziston gjithashtu nj\u00eb element q\u00eb shpesh anashkalohet n\u00eb analizat sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore: uniteti i ofert\u00ebs politike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Hungari, p\u00ebrpara fitores s\u00eb hungarez\u00ebve, opozita e kuptoi se pa bashkim nuk do t\u00eb kishte rezultate. Se bashkimi nuk ishte vet\u00ebm teknik, por edhe strategjik. Nj\u00eb ide e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt formoi baz\u00ebn rreth s\u00eb cil\u00ebs u shfaq nj\u00eb bllok politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Serbi, nj\u00eb proces i till\u00eb as nuk ka filluar seriozisht. Fragmentimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i keqkuptimeve taktike, por i dallimeve t\u00eb thella ideologjike. Pa i zgjidhur k\u00ebto, \u00e7do bised\u00eb p\u00ebr unitet mbetet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb slogan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ekziston gjithashtu nj\u00eb kontekst m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb evropian q\u00eb e ekspozon m\u00eb tej dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj analogjie.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht brenda institucioneve t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian, tenton t\u2019i interpretoj\u00eb proceset politike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebrmes modeleve t\u00eb njohura nga shtetet an\u00ebtare. Nga kjo perspektiv\u00eb, \u00e7do kund\u00ebrshtim shihet pothuajse automatikisht si nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb potencialisht pro-evropiane. Ky thjesht\u00ebzim \u00ebsht\u00eb politikisht i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm, por analitikisht i pasakt\u00eb dhe madje strategjikisht i rreziksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mb\u00ebshtetja nga ky drejtim shpesh mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb supozime dhe jo n\u00eb nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim real t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes politike. Kjo krijon nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb q\u00eb gjen jehon\u00eb n\u00eb Bruksel, por nuk ka baz\u00eb n\u00eb realitetin n\u00eb terren.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb rastin e Serbis\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb disa aktor\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb projektojn\u00eb pritje q\u00eb skena politike e brendshme nuk i mb\u00ebshtet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse deklarata se \u201cSerbia duhet t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb shembullin hungarez\u201d pasqyron m\u00eb shum\u00eb d\u00ebshir\u00ebn politike sesa realitetin.Proceset politike nuk jan\u00eb modele t\u00eb l\u00ebvizshme; ato jan\u00eb produkte t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive, institucioneve dhe rrethanave historike specifike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Transferimi i \u201cenergjis\u00eb\u201d s\u00eb zgjedhjeve nga nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb tjetrin injoron gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb e b\u00ebn politik\u00ebn reale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dob\u00ebsia m\u00eb e madhe e k\u00ebsaj analogjie nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht\u00ebsia e saj, por keqorientimi i saj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Hungari, kishte nj\u00eb konflikt midis opsioneve pro-ruse dhe pro-evropiane. Nj\u00eb konflikt i till\u00eb nuk ekziston n\u00eb Serbi. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Serbia ka nj\u00eb peizazh politik ku mbivendosen drejtime t\u00eb ndryshme, pa nj\u00eb hierarki t\u00eb qart\u00eb prioritetesh. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti lloj lufte politike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse ideja e nj\u00eb \u201cHungarie Serbe\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb politikisht t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse, por analitikisht e paq\u00ebndrueshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Krijon iluzionin e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, ndryshimi politik nuk vjen nga iluzionet, por nga q\u00ebllime t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuara qart\u00eb dhe strategji t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00e9ter Magyar pati sukses sepse u tregoi votuesve se ku po shkonte Hungaria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
N\u00eb Serbi, opozita ende nuk ka nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pyetje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Derisa kjo t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb, \u00e7do paralele me Budapestin do t\u00eb mbetet ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb: nj\u00eb metafor\u00eb efektive p\u00ebr momentin, por nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e gabuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dr. Orhan Draga\u0161 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ekspert serb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Krahasimet midis ndryshimeve politike n\u00eb Hungari dhe pritjeve n\u00eb Serbi mund t\u00eb duken t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse, por ato jan\u00eb n\u00eb thelb sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore dhe t\u00eb pasakta. Analogjia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga mjetet m\u00eb efektive n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Ajo thjeshton proceset komplekse, shkurton shpjegimet dhe i jep audienc\u00ebs nj\u00eb ndjesi mir\u00ebkuptimi. Nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e sakt\u00eb – vet\u00ebm e besueshme. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":9251,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[35],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-10664","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-opinion"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10664","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10664"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10664\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10665,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10664\/revisions\/10665"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9251"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10664"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10664"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10664"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}