{"id":10805,"date":"2026-04-20T14:47:45","date_gmt":"2026-04-20T12:47:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/?p=10805"},"modified":"2026-04-20T14:47:45","modified_gmt":"2026-04-20T12:47:45","slug":"e-majta-e-re-e-moskes-projekti-sovintern-dhe-ringjallja-e-luftes-ideologjike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/2026\/04\/20\/e-majta-e-re-e-moskes-projekti-sovintern-dhe-ringjallja-e-luftes-ideologjike\/","title":{"rendered":"E Majta e Re e Mosk\u00ebs: Projekti ‘Sovintern’ dhe Ringjallja e Luft\u00ebs Ideologjike"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Lideri i  \u201cNj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb\u201d<\/em> , Sergey Mironov, njoftoi krijimin e nj\u00eb rrjeti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb quajtur \u201cSovintern\u201d, i cili, n\u00ebn sloganin \u201cSocializ\u00ebm 2.0\u201d, synon t\u00eb bashkoj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 100 parti dhe l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb nga 70 vende<\/strong> . Bashk\u00eb-iniciator\u00ebt p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00eb organizata: Partia e Pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve e Britanis\u00eb, Bashkimi i Socialist\u00ebve Demokrat\u00eb (RDK), Partia e Progresit dhe Socializmit (Marok), Partia e Socialist\u00ebve t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Moldavis\u00eb, Fronti Nacional\u00e7lirimtar Sandinist (Nikaragua), L\u00ebvizja e Socialist\u00ebve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, Partia Komuniste Amerikane, l\u00ebvizja \u201cTunizia P\u00ebrpara\u201d dhe Partia Socialiste \u201c  Nj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb\u201d<\/em> .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Projekti paraqitet si nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb moderne ndaj kapitalizmit, q\u00eb supozohet se bazohet n\u00eb “arritjet e qytet\u00ebrimit sovjetik”. Forumi i par\u00eb i Sovinternit pritet t\u00eb zhvillohet n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb m\u00eb 25-29 prill.Partia  “Nj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb”<\/em>  u krijua n\u00eb vitin 2006 n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet bashkimit t\u00eb disa organizatave, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Rodin\u00ebn, Partin\u00eb Ruse t\u00eb Jet\u00ebs dhe Partin\u00eb e Pensionist\u00ebve. Ajo pozicionohet si nj\u00eb forc\u00eb e qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb me orientim socialist q\u00eb mbron drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb sociale dhe patriotizmin. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e saj jan\u00eb Sergey Mironov, ish-Kryetar i K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Federat\u00ebs, dhe Alexander Babakov, Z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryetar i Par\u00eb i Dum\u00ebs Shtet\u00ebrore. Mironov e ka mb\u00ebshtetur vazhdimisht Vladimir Putinin n\u00eb zgjedhje, nd\u00ebrsa Babakov njihet si biznesmen dhe politikan me lidhje me ndikim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb<\/em>  tradicionalisht ka demonstruar besnik\u00ebri ndaj Kremlinit, duke mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive kursin e Putinit dhe luft\u00ebn e Rusis\u00eb kund\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebs. Partia konsiderohet nj\u00eb “opozit\u00eb sistemike”, duke luajtur rolin e nj\u00eb krahu t\u00eb kontrolluar t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim real p\u00ebr autoritetet, por p\u00ebrkundrazi ndihmon Administrat\u00ebn Presidenciale t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb elektoratin e saj social. Kjo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie e ngusht\u00eb me Kremlinin i lejon partis\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb n\u00eb parlament, duke kufizuar pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb praktik\u00eb,  \u201cNj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb\u201d<\/em>  vepron n\u00eb koordinim t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me Administrat\u00ebn Presidenciale Ruse, duke vepruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive si nj\u00eb instrument i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kremlinit. N\u00ebn kushtet politike ruse, \u00e7do iniciativ\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb – ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb q\u00eb synon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjet global – nuk mund t\u00eb zbatohet pa miratimin e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb Kremlinit. Kjo tregon se \u201cSovintern\u201d nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt i pavarur, por pjes\u00eb e strategjis\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht se \u00ebsht\u00eb paraqitur si nj\u00eb iniciativ\u00eb inovative \u201cSocializmi 2.0\u201d, projekti nuk duhet par\u00eb si nj\u00eb platform\u00eb ideologjike, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr si nj\u00eb mjet politik dhe informues i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme ruse. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i integruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb arsenal m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb instrumentesh hibride t\u00eb Kremlinit q\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u00eb ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb audiencat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Iniciativa p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar Sovintern pasqyron p\u00ebrpjekjen e Mosk\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb konsoliduar forcat globale t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb n\u00ebn ndikimin e saj politik. Rusia k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb pozicionohet si nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr alternative p\u00ebr vendet dhe partit\u00eb e pak\u00ebnaqura me politikat e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Bashkimit Evropian, duke shfryt\u00ebzuar ndjenjat anti-per\u00ebndimore.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sovintern funksionon si nj\u00eb mjet i luft\u00ebs hibride, p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit Kremlini p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb legjitimoj\u00eb politikat e tij t\u00eb brendshme dhe t\u00eb jashtme.<\/strong> Formimi i nj\u00eb rrjeti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i lejon Rusis\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb iluzionin e mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr kursin e saj midis partive politike t\u00eb huaja.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht retorik\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb \u201csocializmit t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrir\u00eb\u201d, projekti riprodhon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive modelin sovjetik t\u00eb ndikimit ideologjik jasht\u00eb vendit, duke i ngjasuar strukturave t\u00eb tilla si Kominterni ose Kominformi. P\u00ebrfshirja e mbi 100 partive nga 70 vende tregon nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb platform\u00eb n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrhapjen sistematike t\u00eb narrativave t\u00eb Kremlinit n\u00eb rajone t\u00eb shumta, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb strategjike, projekti Sovintern synon t\u00eb minoj\u00eb unitetin e Bashkimit Evropian, t\u00eb p\u00ebrhap\u00eb narrativa anti-per\u00ebndimore dhe t\u00eb justifikoj\u00eb agresionin kund\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebs. Kjo e b\u00ebn at\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb politike m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb destabilizimit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Organizimi i forumit n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb dhe rregullimi i udh\u00ebtimeve p\u00ebr delegat\u00ebt e huaj n\u00eb zonat e luftimit kan\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb qart\u00eb propagandistik. Kremlini k\u00ebrkon t’i p\u00ebrdor\u00eb k\u00ebta pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs si “d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb” p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar agresionin e tij kund\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb diskredituar pozicionin e Ukrain\u00ebs n\u00eb nivel global.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr  \u201cNj\u00eb Rusi t\u00eb Drejt\u00eb\u201d<\/em> , projekti Sovintern sh\u00ebrben gjithashtu si nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur pesh\u00ebn e saj politike t\u00eb brendshme<\/strong> . Partia k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb demonstroj\u00eb dobin\u00eb e saj p\u00ebr autoritetet duke u pozicionuar si nj\u00eb kanal i \u201cfuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb\u201d ruse dhe diplomacis\u00eb partiake n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Iniciativa e Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar t\u00eb ashtuquajturin \u201cSovintern\u201d nuk duhet kuptuar si nj\u00eb projekt politik i izoluar, por si nj\u00eb vazhdim – dhe adaptim – i nj\u00eb strategjie t\u00eb gjat\u00eb sovjetike t\u00eb zgjerimit ideologjik dhe ndikimit t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb, t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn historike t\u00eb Internacionales Komuniste<\/strong> .  Si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb theksuar n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e Institutit Robert Lansing, zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb rus\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Sergei Naryshkin, kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e Kominternit si nj\u00eb model p\u00ebr riform\u00ebsimin e rendit global, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrmes operacioneve t\u00eb ndikimit dhe aktivitetit subverziv.<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brenda k\u00ebtij konteksti,  shfaqja e \u201cSovinternit\u201d pasqyron jo thjesht nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashkuar partit\u00eb e krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb, por nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb strategjike nga Kremlini p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb politike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb projektuar ndikim n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fushat ideologjike, informative dhe potencialisht operacionale<\/strong> .  Historikisht, Kominterni funksiononte si nj\u00eb rrjet i centralizuar i aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj politik\u00eb t\u00eb varur nga Moska, duke kombinuar propagand\u00ebn, koordinimin politik dhe n\u00eb disa raste strukturat e drejtp\u00ebrdrejta t\u00eb epok\u00ebs sovjetike nuk kufizoheshin vet\u00ebm n\u00eb shtrirjen ideologjike, por p\u00ebrfshinin institucione t\u00eb dedikuara p\u00ebr trajnimin e sabotimit, koordinimin e inteligjenc\u00ebs dhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e kryengritjeve, duke treguar nj\u00eb bashkim t\u00eb funksioneve politike dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Iniciativa moderne \u201cSovintern\u201d duket se e p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/strong>  Nd\u00ebrsa e formuluar n\u00eb termat e \u201cSocializmit 2.0\u201d, funksioni i saj i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00ebndron n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb rrjeti transnacional p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit Moska mund t\u00eb amplifikoj\u00eb narrativat anti-per\u00ebndimore, t\u00eb form\u00ebsoj\u00eb diskursin politik dhe t\u00eb kultivoj\u00eb ndikim brenda sistemeve politike t\u00eb huaja. Megjithat\u00eb, ndryshe nga Kominterni origjinal, Rusis\u00eb s\u00eb sotme i mungon nj\u00eb projekt ideologjik global koherent<\/strong> . Si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn<\/a> e Institutit Lansing ,  strategjia aktuale e Mosk\u00ebs ka m\u00eb pak t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me eksportimin e nj\u00eb doktrine t\u00eb unifikuar dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb me shfryt\u00ebzimin e ndjenjave anti-per\u00ebndimore si nj\u00eb em\u00ebrues unifikues midis aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, duke filluar nga l\u00ebvizjet e krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb deri te regjimet autoritare. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ky ndryshim \u00ebsht\u00eb kritik.  Kominterni Sovjetik vepronte brenda nj\u00eb kuadri ideologjik t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar qart\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb revolucionin global proletar<\/strong> . N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, qasja moderne ruse \u00ebsht\u00eb pragmatike dhe oportuniste, duke p\u00ebrdorur mark\u00ebn ideologjike kryesisht si nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mobilizuar pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsit\u00eb ekzistuese kund\u00ebr Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Bashkimit Evropian.  K\u00ebshtu, “Sovinterni” funksionon m\u00eb pak si nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ideologjike dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb platform\u00eb p\u00ebr operacione t\u00eb koordinuara ndikimi, ku partit\u00eb politike sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si p\u00ebrforcues t\u00eb narrativave t\u00eb lidhura me Kremlinin sesa si aktor\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, projekti duhet t\u00eb shihet si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb strategjie m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb hibride q\u00eb integron element\u00eb politik\u00eb, informues dhe t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb. Analiza e Institutit Lansing n\u00ebnvizon se  mendimi bashk\u00ebkohor rus rreth trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb s\u00eb Kominternit p\u00ebrfshin jo vet\u00ebm funksionet e propagand\u00ebs, por edhe p\u00ebrdorimin e mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb taktikave t\u00eb destabilizimit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr aktivitete shkat\u00ebrruese n\u00eb vendet per\u00ebndimore<\/strong> . Kjo sugjeron q\u00eb rrjetet e nd\u00ebrtuara n\u00ebn  korniz\u00ebn “Sovintern”, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, mund t\u00eb evoluojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej koordinimit politik n\u00eb role m\u00eb aktive n\u00eb form\u00ebsimin e l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb protest\u00ebs, ndikimin n\u00eb proceset zgjedhore ose edhe leht\u00ebsimin e p\u00ebrpjekjeve indirekte t\u00eb destabilizimit.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrfshirja e partive nga Evropa, Amerika Latine dhe Afrika tregon m\u00eb tej se  Rusia synon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb rrjet ndikimi gjeografikisht t\u00eb larmish\u00ebm, t\u00eb aft\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb mjedise t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishta politike<\/strong> . Kjo pasqyron modelin historik t\u00eb Kominternit, i cili mb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb aktor\u00eb lokal\u00eb t\u00eb integruar brenda konteksteve komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara objektivat strategjike t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, ndryshe nga periudha sovjetike, ku disiplina ideologjike siguronte nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb kohezioni, rrjeti modern ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i fragmentuar, duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ndaj Per\u00ebndimit sesa n\u00eb nj\u00eb program politik t\u00eb unifikuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nj\u00eb dimension tjet\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb funksioni i brendsh\u00ebm i projektit. P\u00ebr  Nj\u00eb Rusi t\u00eb Drejt\u00eb<\/em> , promovimi i \u201cSovintern\u201d-it rrit statusin e tij brenda sistemit politik rus duke demonstruar dobin\u00eb e tij si nj\u00eb instrument i ndikimit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm. N\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem ku r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia politike \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me p\u00ebrafrimin me prioritetet e Kremlinit, aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si nj\u00eb mjet i \u201cfuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb\u201d forcon pozicionin e partis\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb,  projekti p\u00ebrforcon narrativ\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb si nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr ideologjike globale, duke kompensuar izolimin e saj relativ n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn diplomatike formale<\/strong> .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Strategjikisht, implikimet e \u201cSovintern\u201d-it shtrihen p\u00ebrtej politik\u00ebs partiake<\/strong> . Iniciativa kontribuon n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin gradual t\u00eb nj\u00eb ekosistemi politik paralel q\u00eb sfidon dominimin per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb fushat informative dhe ideologjike. Duke kultivuar rrjete aktor\u00ebsh simpatik\u00eb,  Rusia k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb g\u00ebrryej\u00eb konsensusin brenda Bashkimit Evropian, t\u00eb dob\u00ebsoj\u00eb kohezionin transatlantik dhe t\u00eb legjitimoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb jashtme, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebs.<\/strong>  P\u00ebrdorimi i forumeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe ekspozimi i kuruar i delegat\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj n\u00eb zonat e konfliktit sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb perceptim t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes globale, edhe n\u00ebse nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje e till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e kufizuar ose simbolike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, krahasimi me Kominternin nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb retorik, por strukturor. Nd\u00ebrsa shkalla, koherenca dhe thell\u00ebsia ideologjike ndryshojn\u00eb, parimi themelor mbetet i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb:  p\u00ebrdorimi i rrjeteve politike transnacionale si instrumente t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore. Dallimi kryesor q\u00ebndron n\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatjen me kushtet bashk\u00ebkohore, ku ndikimi ushtrohet m\u00eb pak p\u00ebrmes kontrollit t\u00eb ngurt\u00eb ideologjik dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrmes qasjeve fleksibile, t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb rrjet, t\u00eb cilat kombinojn\u00eb mesazhet politike, operacionet informative dhe angazhimin selektiv me aktor\u00ebt e huaj.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, \u201cSovintern\u201d nuk duhet par\u00eb si nj\u00eb ringjallje e ideologjis\u00eb sovjetike, por si nj\u00eb  modernizim i metodave sovjetike – i ripaketuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb fragmentuar dhe shum\u00ebpolare, ku ndikimi nuk imponohet m\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb doktrine t\u00eb vetme, por nd\u00ebrtohet p\u00ebrmes konvergjenc\u00ebs s\u00eb forcave t\u00eb ndryshme anti-per\u00ebndimore n\u00ebn koordinimin e Mosk\u00ebs.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrputhja midis Sergey Mironov dhe Sergey Naryshkin kuptohet m\u00eb mir\u00eb m\u00eb pak si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje bindjeje personale ideologjike dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb pasqyrim i m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si funksionon sistemi politik rus<\/strong> . N\u00eb at\u00eb sistem,  “iniciativat” kryesore me shtrirje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare – ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ato q\u00eb prekin ideologjin\u00eb, rrjetet e ndikimit ose narrativat historike si Kominterni – rrall\u00eb jan\u00eb nga posht\u00eb lart<\/strong> . Ato jan\u00eb sinjale q\u00eb l\u00ebvizin posht\u00eb p\u00ebrmes hierarkis\u00eb politike dhe m\u00eb pas operacionalizohen nga aktor\u00eb besnik\u00eb. Promovimi i konceptit “Sovintern” nga Mironov i p\u00ebrshtatet k\u00ebtij modeli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Naryshkin, si kreu i SVR-s\u00eb, ka ringjallur publikisht interesin p\u00ebr instrumentet e ndikimit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb epok\u00ebs sovjetike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb modelin e Kominternit, jo si nostalgji historike, por si nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb konceptuale p\u00ebr operacionet moderne hibride<\/strong> . Mesazhi i tij pasqyron nj\u00eb ndryshim m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb brenda shtetit rus drejt rind\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb rrjeteve ideologjike transnacionale q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin objektivat gjeopolitike.  Kur Mironov i b\u00ebn jehon\u00eb dhe i \u00e7on p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebto ide, ai n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive po p\u00ebrkthen nj\u00eb koncept strategjik t\u00eb lidhur me aparatin e inteligjenc\u00ebs dhe siguris\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet politik q\u00eb mund t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb partis\u00eb<\/strong> .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga kjo perspektiv\u00eb,  Mironov nuk po e \u201cmb\u00ebshtet\u201d n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur Naryshkinin, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr po e rreshton veten me nj\u00eb linj\u00eb politike q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ka mb\u00ebshtetje institucionale<\/strong> . N\u00eb sistemin e \u201cpluralizmit t\u00eb menaxhuar\u201d t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, parti si  Nj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb<\/em>  ekzistojn\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb kryer role t\u00eb tilla. Ato z\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb kontrolluar – n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, krahun e majt\u00eb – dhe mund t\u00eb ngarkohen me iniciativa q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb paketim ideologjik, shtrirje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ose angazhim me aktor\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb huaj. Projekti \u201cSovintern\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb funksion sepse p\u00ebrzien mark\u00ebn politike (\u201csocializmi 2.0\u201d) me mesazhe strategjike dhe nd\u00ebrtim rrjeti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb element i qart\u00eb i pozicionimit brenda elit\u00ebs.  Mironov ka qen\u00eb prej koh\u00ebsh nj\u00eb figur\u00eb besnike brenda sistemit, por pesha e tij politike ka luhatur<\/strong> . Nisja e nj\u00eb iniciative nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb i lejon atij t\u00eb demonstroj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis ku af\u00ebrsia me prioritetet strategjike t\u00eb Kremlinit p\u00ebrcakton statusin.  Duke e shoq\u00ebruar veten me nj\u00eb projekt q\u00eb rezonon me mendimin e establishmentit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, ai sinjalizon dobi p\u00ebr qendr\u00ebn e pushtetit. N\u00eb terma praktik\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar nga t\u00eb qenit nj\u00eb aktor rutin\u00eb parlamentar n\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet si “operacione t\u00eb ndikimit strategjik”.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kjo ngre pyetjen n\u00ebse Mironov po k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb em\u00ebrim brenda deg\u00ebs ekzekutive. Sigurisht q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e besueshme q\u00eb motivime t\u00eb tilla ekzistojn\u00eb, por ato duhet t\u00eb interpretohen brenda logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb sistemit rus t\u00eb stafit dhe jo si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb p\u00ebr post. Avancimi n\u00eb Rusi ka m\u00eb pak t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me aplikimet formale dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb me demonstrimin se dikush mund t\u00eb jap\u00eb rezultate n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me prioritetet e Kremlinit. Duke marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr pron\u00ebsin\u00eb e “Sovintern”, Mironov n\u00eb fakt po e paraqet veten si dikush t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar nj\u00eb projekt politikisht t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb orientuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht. Kjo mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb ndikim, akses ose nj\u00eb rol m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktuar, megjith\u00ebse jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb em\u00ebrim klasik ministror.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb gjithashtu e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb merret n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb se rolet e lidhura me ndikimin e huaj, ideologjin\u00eb ose rrjetet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb mir\u00eb brenda hierarkis\u00eb formale ekzekutive. Ato mund t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb n\u00eb kryq\u00ebzimin e strukturave t\u00eb partis\u00eb, administrat\u00ebs presidenciale dhe agjencive t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim,  Mironov mund t\u00eb mos e pozicionoj\u00eb veten p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rol tradicional t\u00eb kabinetit, por p\u00ebr nj\u00eb funksion q\u00eb lidh fushat politike dhe kuazi-operacionale – di\u00e7ka m\u00eb af\u00ebr nj\u00eb koordinatori t\u00eb “fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb” ose diplomacis\u00eb partiake t\u00eb p\u00ebrafruar me strategjin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, sjellja e Mironovit pasqyron nj\u00eb model m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb brenda sistemit rus, ku aktor\u00ebt politik\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb p\u00ebr r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi duke u p\u00ebrafruar me narrativat dhe prioritetet strategjike q\u00eb dalin nga elita e siguris\u00eb.  Mb\u00ebshtetja e ideve t\u00eb lidhura me Naryshkinin i lejon Mironovit t\u00eb ankorohet brenda atij drejtimi strategjik. N\u00ebse kjo \u00e7on n\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebrim formal ekzekutiv \u00ebsht\u00eb e pasigurt, por sh\u00ebrben qart\u00eb si nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm p\u00ebr ruajtjen dhe potencialisht p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e pozicionit t\u00eb tij brenda hierarkis\u00eb s\u00eb pushtetit.<\/strong> Mironovi mund t\u00eb shihet si nj\u00eb  ekzekutues politik i koncepteve t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb lidhura me SVR-n\u00eb<\/strong> , n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs n\u00eb operacione ushtarake ose t\u00eb fshehta t\u00eb lidhura me GRU-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Lideri i  \u201cNj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb\u201d , Sergey Mironov, njoftoi krijimin e nj\u00eb rrjeti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb quajtur \u201cSovintern\u201d, i cili, n\u00ebn sloganin \u201cSocializ\u00ebm 2.0\u201d, synon t\u00eb bashkoj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 100 parti dhe l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb nga 70 vende . Bashk\u00eb-iniciator\u00ebt p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00eb organizata: Partia e Pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve e Britanis\u00eb, Bashkimi i Socialist\u00ebve Demokrat\u00eb (RDK), Partia e […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":10806,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[34],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-10805","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-gjeopolitik"},"yoast_head":"\nE Majta e Re e Mosk\u00ebs: Projekti 'Sovintern' dhe Ringjallja e Luft\u00ebs Ideologjike - Kosova Times<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/kosovatimes.info\/index.php\/2026\/04\/20\/e-majta-e-re-e-moskes-projekti-sovintern-dhe-ringjallja-e-luftes-ideologjike\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"E Majta e Re e Mosk\u00ebs: Projekti 'Sovintern' dhe Ringjallja e Luft\u00ebs Ideologjike - Kosova Times\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Lideri i  \u201cNj\u00eb Rusi e Drejt\u00eb\u201d , Sergey Mironov, njoftoi krijimin e nj\u00eb rrjeti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb quajtur \u201cSovintern\u201d, i cili, n\u00ebn sloganin \u201cSocializ\u00ebm 2.0\u201d, synon t\u00eb bashkoj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 100 parti dhe l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb majt\u00eb nga 70 vende . 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